Title page
1. Introduction
1.1. Aims and Purposes ……………………………………………………………………………………… 2
2. Literature Review
2.1. Assumptions of Men and Women’s Language ………………………………………..…… 2
2.2. Language and Power ……………………………………………………………….…..………..…... 3
2.3. Derogatory Terms ……………………………………………………………………………..………… 3
2.4. Categorising Derogatory Terms …………………………………………………………………… 4
3. Research Questions ……………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5
4. Methodology
4.1. Methodological Design …………………………………………………..…………………………… 5
4.2. Selection of Participants ………………………………………………………..……………………. 5
4.3. The Method ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 6
4.4. Means of analysis ……………………………………………………………………..………………… 6
5. Results ………………………………………………………………………….……………………………………….. 7
5.1. Discussion …………………………………………………………………………………………………. 12
6. Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………………………….………… 14
References
Sample Questionnaires
1. Introduction
Various studies have been concerned with the derogatory terms used exclusively to refer to men and women (Hughes, 1991; Schulz, 1975; Sutton, 1995; James, 1998). They reveal an index that shows how femininity and masculinity are socially constructed. This study investigates how men and women rate offensiveness of pejorative words regardless of exclusivity. Word class, semantic category and the rating scale are discussed, providing a response to the research questions. The results gathered imply how gendered opposites insult one another, offering knowledge into how they are viewed in this society but specifically Nottingham Trent University.
2. Literature Review
2.1. Assumptions of Men and Women’s Language
In recent work the English language has been described to be phallogocentric, women’s language is the unrepresentable, the sex that cannot be taught (Butler 2011:9). For de Beauvoir, women are men’s negative counterpart both socially and linguistically (de Beauvoir 1949). This supposes that a male’s language is the leading form, an idea Flexner (1960) seemed to employ regarding non-standard language, posing that men are the creators and users of slang language. Holmes (2001) suggests that males prefer vernacular forms as they hold covert prestige by possessing connotations of masculinity and toughness.
Women’s language has been considered to be the powerless variety (Christie 2010). Many studies have been based on the assumption that women are the conservative gender on a social and linguistic level; they are more likely to use standard and prestigious variations of language (Risch 1987). Women are status conscious, restricted by standard forms of speech due to non-standard forms being considered masculine (Trudgill 1974). However, Christie (2010:171) states this to be the reason for being regarded as the powerless sex, she says by conforming to conceptualised and culture-specific ‘lady-like’ speech is, in effect, learning to use the powerless speech style.
Today’s society has given rise to a new kind of female: ‘a ladette’, supposedly a reflection of the male equivalent of the masculine ‘lad’. This shows that expectations of women have changed over time and could offer an explanation as to why women flout traditional ‘lady-like’ behaviour and language use. Thus indicating that behaviour, but more importantly to this project, language, can be suggestive of deeper changes within gender roles in society.
2.2. Language and Power
One only need look at Julia Gillard’s speech on misogyny (Ten eyewitness News 2012) to see how women, even of high status, are still today subordinated by men. This subordination can be done through the use of language. According to Butler (2011) language is a choice due to gender being a performative act. It is not limited to the binary system of biological sex, it is entirely independent. Coates (2013) suggests that the misogyny of any one group can be measured by the number of pejorative words that are used.
Hegemonic